Propaganda, management, manipulation -- all arms of domination -- cannot be the instruments of their rehumanization. For the oppressors, however, it is always the oppressed (whom they obviously never call "the oppressed" but -- depending on whether they are fellow countrymen or not --"those people" or "the blind and envious masses" or "savages" or "natives" or "subversives") who are disaffected, who are "violent," "barbaric," "wicked," or "ferocious" when they react to the violence of the oppressors. This objectivistic position is as ingenuous as that of subjectivism, which postulates people without a world. Freire also argues that control, in this context, is an act of violence that stifles human life. It is an instrument of dehumanization. Libertarian action must recognize this dependence as a weak point and must attempt through reflection and action to transform it into independence. Any restriction on this way of life, in the rights of the community, appears to the former oppressors as a profound violation of their individual rights -- although they no respect for the millions who suffered and died of hunger, pain, sorrow, and despair. The conviction of the oppressed that they must fight for their liberation is not a gift bestowed by the revolutionary leadership, but the result of their own conscientizacao. The oppressor is solidary with the oppressed only when he stops regarding the oppressed as an abstract category and sees them as persons who have been unjustly dealt with, deprived of their voice, cheated in the sale of their labor -- when he stops making pious, sentimental, and individualistic gestures and risks an act of love. Self-depreciation is another characteristic of the oppressed, which derives from their internalization of the opinion the oppressors hold of them. The separation of objectivity from subjectivity, the denial of the latter when analyzing reality or acting upon it is objectivism. But their perception of themselves as oppressed is impaired by their submersion in the reality of oppression. This is why, as we affirmed earlier, the pedagogy of the oppressed cannot be developed or practiced by the oppressors. That way it'll take less time and won't give us a headache. x.]. Marx does not espouse such a dichotomy, nor does any other critical, realistic thinker. paper) 1. Accordingly, these adherents to the people's cause constantly run the risk of falling into a type of generosity as malefic as that of the oppressors. 4. This is the case of a purely subjectivist perception by someone who forsakes objective reality and creates a false substitute. It is not those whose humanity is denied them who negate humankind, but those who denied that humanity (thus negating their own as well). Who can better understand the necessity of liberation? CHAPTER 1. To present this radical demand for the objective transformation of reality, to combat subjectivist immobility which would divert the recognition of oppression into patient waiting for oppression to disappear by itself, is not to dismiss the role of subjectivity in the struggle to change structures. ], They call themselves ignorant and say the "professor" is the one who has knowledge and to whom they should listen. How could they be the initiators, if they themselves are the result of violence? [Footnote # 2: As used throughout this book, the term "contradiction" denotes the dialectical conflict between opposing social forces.-Translator's note. This is a question of the greatest importance, the reply to which is at least tentatively outlined in Chapter 4. This tendency of the oppressor consciousness to "in-animate" everything and everyone it encounters, in its eagerness to possess, unquestionably corresponds with a tendency to sadism. This book will present some aspects of what the writer has termed the pedagogy of the oppressed, a pedagogy which must be forged with, not for, the oppressed (whether individuals or peoples) in the incessant struggle to regain their humanity. It could not be otherwise. It is essential for the oppressed to realize that when they accept the struggle for humanization they also accept, from that moment, their total responsibility for the struggle. Since oppressed people learn that this hierarchy is the natural and moral way to organize society, they may have to relearn long-held beliefs and attitudes toward society and each other. [Footnote #17: The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston, 1967), p. As the oppressors dehumanize others and violate their rights, they themselves also become dehumanized. Struggling with distance learning? Only as they discover themselves to be "hosts" of the oppressor can they contribute to the midwifery of their liberating pedagogy. It is not the despised who initiate hatred, but those who despise. ", [Footnote #20: Asentamiento refers to a production unit of the Chilean agrarian reform experiment.-Translator's note.]. In this example, the overseer, in order to make sure of his job, must be as tough as the owner -- and more so. The first edition of the novel was published in 1968, and was written by Paulo Freire. Pedagogy of the Oppressed discusses systems of oppression and ways that oppressed people can liberate themselves.Paulo Freire calls oppression "humankind's central problem." A pedagogy led by oppressors, like traditional Western education, cannot truly help oppressed people because it is a product of the oppressive system that must be overthrown. A revolutionary leadership must accordingly practice co-intentional education. Apart from direct, concrete, material possession of the world and of people, the oppressor consciousness could not understand itself -- could not even exist. In Chapter 3, Freire goes into more detail about the relationship between human beings and the world, in his discussions of history and dialogue. Critical and liberating dialogue, which presupposes action, must be carried on with the oppressed at whatever the stage of their struggle for liberation. In order to have the continued opportunity to express their "generosity," the oppressors must perpetuate injustice as well. And those who recognize, or begin to recognize, themselves as oppressed must be among the developers of this pedagogy. The oppressor knows full well that this intervention would not be to his interest. Freire, Paulo, 1921- 2. The revolutionary leaders must realize that their own conviction of the necessity for struggle (an indispensable dimension of revolutionary wisdom) was not given to them by anyone else -- if it is authentic. This distortion occurs within history; but it is not an historical vocation. Political action on the side of the oppressed must be pedagogical action in the authentic sense of the word, and, therefore, action with the oppressed. Only in this interdependence is an authentic praxis possible, without which it is impossible to resolve the oppressor-oppressed contradiction. In the first instance, there is no critical intervention in reality because that reality is fictitious; there is none in the second instance because intervention would contradict the class interests of the perceiver. They must realize that they are fighting not merely for freedom from hunger, but for, [Footnote #26: Fromm, op. One of obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs They also must intervene critically in the situation which surrounds them and whose mark they bear; propaganda cannot achieve this. Accordingly, these necessary restraints do not in themselves signify that yesterday's oppressed have become today's oppressors. Superficial conversions to the cause of liberation carry this danger. It happens, however, that as they cease to be exploiters or indifferent spectators or simply the heirs of exploitation and more to the side of the exploited, they almost always bring with them their deformations, which include a lack confidence in the peoples' ability to think, to want, and to know. The correct method for a revolutionary leadership to employ in the task of liberation is, therefore, not "libertarian propaganda." (10) In the first stage this confrontation occurs through the change in the way the oppressed perceive the world of oppression. Little by little, however, they tend to try out forms of rebellious action. One aspect of the reply is to be found in the distinction between systematic education, which can only be changed by political power, and educational projects, which should be carried out with the oppressed in the process of organizing them. This vocation is constantly negated, yet it is affirmed by that very negation.

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